James H. Wallick, the Bandit and Cattle King – An Owner of Hollyrood Farm (Part 5)

James Henry Wallick & his wife Mary (McInnis) Wallick  

(Owners of Hollyrood Farm for 7+ Years, 1888-1895, 1897, 1903)

Continued from PART 4

Photo of manor house on Hollyrood farm taken by the author in 2015.

 THE LAST YEARS
In 1902 and in 1903, James H. Wallick, in addition to managing Eleanor Merron’s plays tried to revive his most successful play, The Bandit King [119], but the revival was a short one and audiences were apparently tiring of the genre. In the years after Mary Wallick’s death, James boarded in Middletown with Eleanor and Archie Cowper, who had moved there after Archie became blind in 1896. [120] James briefly owned Hollyrood Farm again when he purchased it from Moses Crow’s widow, Elizabeth in 1903. [121] He sold the farm to his attorney,  William B. Royce in 1905. [122] Archie died in 1906 and following his death James purchased a large home in Middletown––a fine house called the Thistles––where he and Eleanor resided until the property was lost due to mortgage foreclosure. [123] At that point, both he and Eleanor took rooms at the King Edward Hotel in New York City.

Was there more than just friendship between James and Eleanor? There are no reports of any impropriety or any intimacy between them, but for several years they were almost inseparable. James, born in 1843, was fifteen years older than Eleanor, who was born in 1858 [124], both still young enough after the death of their spouses to have had a romantic relationship. Still, it may be that they just found in each other a “kindred spirit,” someone who had experienced the exhilaration of audiences enthralled by their performances, as well as the melancholy brought on by harsh reviews and rejection of new ideas. Whatever it was that brought them together, the combination turned out to be deadly.

It was while they were both living at the King Edward Hotel in New York City that they discussed their failing fortunes (both in terms of money and success) and James failing health. They had both lost long-term companions, something that must have weighed on them deeply. There were no more hit plays on the horizon and for both of these individuals, life seemed to have lost any meaning. James and Eleanor spoke often about suicide during this time and, in April 1908, agreed that it was time to carry out their plans. [125] They were to both take their lives on the first of May at the same time and in the same manner, but in different locations to avoid any unpleasant notoriety. [126] James left New York City and went to Middletown where he took a room in the Commercial Hotel and carried out his part of the agreement on the first of May. [127] But Eleanor delayed. She wanted to make sure James was properly taken care of. He was buried in Middletown in the Hillside Cemetery and the only service performed at his burial was by Eleanor, who read some poetry. [128] The details of what happened in the months following and of Eleanor’s own suicide in November of the same year were reported in hundreds of newspaper articles published across the country. The Ocala Evening Star, for example, reported it as follows:




Middletown, N.Y., Dec. 4––Details of a suicide agreement that existed between Mrs. Eleanor Merron Cowper, the playwright and actress who shot herself at the Hotel St. Regis in New York on Friday and died Monday in the Presbyterian hospital, and James H. Wallick, the actor-manager, who shot and killed himself at the Commercial hotel in Middletown on May 1, became known today through the publication of letters which Mrs. Cowper wrote just before her death.
From Mrs. Cowper’s statements in various letters which are in the hands of her attorney, Special County Judge H. B. Royce of Middletown, it is evident that Mrs. Cowper and Mr. Wallick as long as a year ago contemplated suicide and that both decided to die in the same manner. In one letter Mrs. Cowper says that she and James H. Wallick had often talked over the matter of taking their lives and had agreed that each would do so. While no definite time was set it was agreed that should they come to feel that the world had no further attractions for them they would leave it at the same time and in the same manner.

The Commercial House (Hotel) in Middletown, New York about 1900 where James H. Wallick committed suicide. Photo courtesy of the Thrall Library, Middletown, New York.

In April last, while Mrs. Cowper and Mr. Wallick were staying at the King Edward hotel in New York, Mr. Wallick broached the subject of suicide again. His fortune gone and suffering from illness, he made up his mind that life had nothing for him. Mrs. Cowper’s financial affairs were also in bad shape, and while she had enough to live on she felt that with the death of Mr. Wallick, her closest friend, she could find no pleasure in life.

The suicide agreement was made and they were to take their lives on May 1, 1908. In order to avoid unpleasant notoriety, it was decided that Mr. Wallick should come to Middletown to do the deed and that Mrs. Cowper should remove from the King Edward hotel to the St. Regis and there take her life.
In the last week of April Mr. Wallick bade Mrs. Cowper farewell at the King Edward hotel and came to Middletown. He shot himself in the right temple in a bathroom in the Commercial hotel in this city on the morning of May 1. Instead of taking her life at the same time as agreed, Mrs. Cowper remained at the King Edward and awaited the news of Mr. Wallick’s suicide, deciding that she should personally attend to all the details of his burial and later take her own life. She was deeply affected when she received the expected word that Mr. Wallick had carried out his part of the compact. Then Mrs. Cowper proceeded to put her affairs in shape for her death. She postponed carrying out her part of the agreement from time to time, however, not from reluctance of fear, but because she could not arrange a time for the act that would not interfere in some way with some one’s plans. In particular she did not wish to interfere with any plans her attorney, Judge H. B. Royce, had made, as she wished hem to look after her affairs and burial.

The St. Regis Hotel in New York City in 1908, the year that Eleanor Merron took a room there and committed suicide. Photo courtesy of the U.S. Library of Congress.

 
She continued to postpone the event but made up her mind fully to do the deed on the day after election. Then she learned that Judge Royce was contemplating a pleasure trip at that time and again she postponed taking her life.

In one of the letters she left she said that she had not had any big time since July but that she “celebrated the day after election as every good patriot ought. I have no grudge against the world and I intend to go in good health and spirits.”

In the letter in which Mrs. Cowper gave directions for her cremation she stated definitely the sums that should be paid for her cremation and burial as follows: Hearse, $11, coach, $7, ferriage, $1.20, cremation, $25, porters, $8, casket, $75, attendants, $6. Total, $132.20.

The last letter which Mrs. Cowper wrote just before she shot herself and which she sent to Judge Royce by special delivery, is one of the most remarkable ever left by a suicide. In it she talks cheerfully of her death and avows her belief that there is no future world. [129]

 BRIEF GENEALOGICAL SUMMARY –– WHEELER (WALLICK) FAMILY

JACOB WHEELER (possibly the father) was born about 1818 in New York and was unemployed at the time of the 1850 U.S. Census. [130] Jacob appears to have either died or deserted his family by 1860. The mother was SUSAN (perhaps ELLSWORTH or WHEELER). Susan was born about 1817/1820 in New York and died on 5 November 1898 at Rondout, Ulster County, New York; she was buried in Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange County, New York. [131] Her gravestone lists her name as Susan Wheeler Ellsworth. [132] Susan was working as a domestic servant in the Jeremiah Ten Broeck household of Saugerties, Ulster County, New York in 1870. [133]
Jacob (perhaps) and Susan had the following children:

    i.    Henry Wheeler (a.k.a., Patrick J. Fubbins or James Henry Wallick) was born 26 June 1844 in Hurley, Ulster County, New York. [134] James was married on 22 August 1867 in Knox County, Illinois to Mary McInnes (or McGinnis or McKenzie), who was born 6 May 1846 perhaps in Galesburg, Knox County, Illinois and died on 4 April 1898 in Middletown, Orange County, New York. [135]
        There are no known children for this couple, although one newspaper report suggested that they had adopted Mary’s niece, Eleanor Merron. [136] This seems to be incorrect. No connection between Mary and Eleanor has been found and other newspaper accounts indicate that Eleanor and her husband Archie Cowper became acquainted with James and Mary Wallick in about 1897 when Eleanor began acting in Wallick’s plays. [137]
        Another newspaper account suggests that James and Mary Wallick adopted his niece, Violet Barney, who married Mr. Williams; Violet supposedly lived with the Wallicks in Middletown or on Hollyrood farm and attended the Ursuline Academy. [138] I have been unable to verify this report.

    ii.    Matilda Wheeler was born about 1847 probably in Hurley, Ulster County, New York. [139] She was working as a domestic servant for the Solomon and Sarah Crispell family in Hurley in 1865 and for George and Sarah Wynkoop, also in Hurley, in 1870. [140] Interestingly, the Wynkoop household is listed right after the John Elmendorf family. It was the Elmendorfs who took in her brother as a young boy. In 1880, Matilda was employed as a cook in the Mahaleth Floyd household in Shandaken, Ulster County, New York. [141] Matilda apparently married a Mr. Delemater, but I have been unable to find her with him in any records. [142] She died on 6 November 1899 and was buried with her mother in the Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange County, New York. [143]

NOTES and REFERENCES
119. The York Daily, York, Pennsylvania, Friday, 26 September 1902, p. 1; The Boston Post, Boston, Massachusetts, Tuesday, 26 May 1903.
120. New York Times, New York City, Saturday, 28 November 1908, p. 16; Archie was blind by 1896 (see The Detroit Free Press, Detroit, Michigan, Sunday, 19 July 1896, p. 15; The Detroit Free Press, Detroit, Michigan, Wednesday, 27 December 1899, p. 4).
121. Orange Co. Deeds, Book 465, page 580-582 (deeds index accessed online at FamilySearch.org).
122. Orange Co. Deeds, Book 479, page 300 (deeds index accessed online at FamilySearch.org).
123. The house where the Wallicks and Cowpers stayed was probably “The Thistles” a house that was located at the corner of Wawayanda and Willow Avenues in Middletown, NY. The house was later the residence of the Countess Olaeta and was then sold in 1917 to the Carmelite Fathers as a residence and school for boys. See the article on this in the Middletown Times Press, Middletown, New York, Saturday, 28 July 1917, p. 1.
124. 1850 U.S. census, Hurley, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 479 (written) and 240 (stamped), household 217, family 226; The Boston Journal, Saturday, 28 November 1908, p. 1.
125. See for example, The Boston Post, Boston, Massachusetts, Wednesday, 2 December 1908, p. 1; The Ocala Evening Star, Ocala, Florida, Saturday, 5 December 1908, p. 1. There are hundreds of newspaper accounts of the suicides of James H. Wallick and Eleanor Merron Cowper.
126. The Ocala Evening Star, Ocala, Florida, Saturday, 5 December 1908, p. 1.
127. The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Brooklyn, New York, Friday, 1 May 1908, p. 1; New York Times, New York City, Saturday, 2 May 1908, p. 9.
128. The Trenton Evening Times, Trenton, New Jersey, Wednesday, 2 December 1908, p. 1 & 3.
129. The Ocala Evening Star, Ocala, Florida, Saturday, 5 December 1908, p. 1.
130. 1850 US census, Hurley, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 479 (written) and 240 (stamped), household 217, family 226.
131. Gravestone in Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange Co., New York; Daily Argus, Middletown, Orange Co., N.Y., Tuesday, 8 November 1898, p. 5.
132. If Wheeler was her maiden name, then the Jacob Wheeler she was with in 1850 would likely be a brother, not her husband and both of her children listed here would have probably been born out of wedlock. The name Ellsworth might then have been the name of a later husband. However, in 1850 she and Jacob were living in the household of James Ellsworth. It seems more probably that Susan and James were brother and sister and Jacob Wheeler was her husband since her children had the surname of Wheeler.
133. 1870 US census, Saugerties, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 107 (written) and 244 (stamped), household 674, family 836.
134. Gravestone in Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange Co., New York; 1850 U.S. census, Hurley, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 479 (written) and 240 (stamped), household 217, family 226; 1855 New York State census, ED 2, Hurley, Ulster Co., dwelling 14.
135. Gravestone in Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange Co., New York; Middletown Daily Press, Middletown, New York, Tuesday, 23 August 1892; Middletown Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Monday, 4 April 1898, p. 5 and Wednesday, 6 April 1898, p. 5; “Illinois, County Marriages, 1810-1934”, database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/KFL8-TNQ : accessed 9 December 2015), James H Wallack and Mary Mckenzie, 1867.
136. The New York Sun, New York City, Saturday, 2 May 1908, p. 5.
137. The New York Dramatic Mirror, New York City, Saturday, 25 November 1899, p. 2.
138. The Tri-States Union, Port Jervis, New York, Thursday, 7 May 1908, p. 1.
139. 1850 U.S. census, Hurley, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 479 (written) and 240 (stamped), household 217, family 226.
140. 1865 New York State census, Hurley, Ulster Co., p. 67, family 443; 1870 U.S. census, Hurley, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 24, household 197, family 192.
141. 1880 U.S. census, Shandaken, Ulster Co., N.Y., e.d. 151, p. 7, sheet 180C, dwelling 66, family 72.
142. She is listed on the same gravestone with her mother where her name is given as Matilda Delemater.
143. Gravestone in Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange Co., New York; The Kingston Daily Freeman, Kingston, Ulster Co., New York, Tuesday, 27 February 1923, p. 11.

James H. Wallick, the Bandit and Cattle King – An Owner of Hollyrood Farm (Part 4)

James Henry Wallick & his wife Mary (McInnis) Wallick  

(Owners of Hollyrood Farm for 7+ Years, 1888-1895, 1897, 1903)

Continued from PART 3

Eleanor Merron Cowper, friend of James H. Wallick, with whom he later made a suicide pact. Photo and article from The Chicago Tribune, Saturday, 28 November 1908, page 2.

 ELEANOR MERRON––ACTRESS, WRITER, AND FRIEND
Even with all of their financial troubles, James and Mary seemed to be making their way and were considered to be quite successful. An article in Brooklyn Life in 1898 still listed James Wallick as one of the wealthiest actors with a fortune worth over $100,000. In the middle of this success, however, three events occurred in 1898 and 1899 that may have caused James H. Wallick to begin questioning the purpose of life. First, in late March his beloved wife, Mary––his companion, fellow performer, and financial advisor––became seriously ill and for several days lay in the Oriental Hotel in Middletown, New York in a semi conscious state; she passed away at the age of 50 years on the 4th of April. Mrs. Wallick was well-liked in the Middletown area where they lived after selling Hollyrood farm when they were not on the road with the acting company. She was described as “warm-hearted, generous..., and [someone who] did many acts of kindness and charity.” Later that same year, on the 5th or 6th of November, James’s mother, Susan Ellsworth of Rondout, Ulster County, New York, died and was brought to Middletown to be buried near his wife. Finally, a year later on November 9, 1899 his sister, and last surviving member of his immediate family passed away.

With no children of their own––with the possible exception of an adopted niece, Violet (Barney) Williams, who was married and living in Washington, D.C.––James was left with only two close friends, Archie and Eleanor (Merron) Cowper, both of whom were actors. James was particularly close to Eleanor, who acted in some of his plays and with whom he collaborated, producing her successful play, The Dairy Farm, and less successful play, Her Wedding Day. The collaboration may have begun in earnest, when James showed her he script of a play he was considering. Eleanor commented that she could certainly write a better one. James encouraged her to do so and the result was her play, The Dairy Farm. James managed the production and both he and Eleanor acted in the play. The play opened in September 1899 and was quite well liked by the critics and drew fairly good audiences over the next few years. For example, the Washington, D.C. Evening Times, said of the play that “The Dairy Farm last night [at the Columbia theater] presented one of the very best pieces of its class that has come to Washington this year and the excellent production won the hearty commendation of a large gathering,” while the Hazleton, Pennsylvania Plain Speaker stated that “Miss Eleanor Merron, the author of The Dairy Farm, has received over seven hundred letters from all the prominent clergymen in New York commending its merit as inspiring worthy ideas and affording much innocent amusement.” By October of 1901 the play had already been performed 109 times in New York City, 137 times in Philadelphia, and 133 times in Chicago.

Poster for the Dairy Farm a play by Eleanor Merron with James H. Wallick as manager. Both James and Eleanor also acted in the play. Reproduction of the poster courtesy of the U.S. Library of Congress.

Eleanor was born in New Gloucester, Maine in 1858 as Dora Ellen Merrow to John Merrow and Elizabeth Ellen Knight. When she made the decision to become and actress, she took on the stage name of Eleanor Merron and also seems to have distanced herself from her family. She later added her own details to her youth and birth. In her version, she was born in England in 1867 to American parents who returned to the United States when she was 3 months old where she was raised in Gorham, Maine. Her Maine birth record, however, shows that she was born in 1858 in New Gloucester, about 25 miles from Gorham, not in England. Both the 1860 and 1870 U.S. Censuses confirm her birth in Maine and show the family still living in New Gloucester, not Gorham.

Advertisement with the cast for a play titled La Tosca by Victorien Sardou later adapted as an opera by Giacomo Puccini. The performances were at the Broadway Theater in New York City. This notice was published in The Theatre, an illustrated magazine of drama, music, and art (22 March 1888, v. IV, no. 8, p. 156, courtesy of Google Books).

Eleanor states that she left home and began acting with the Boston Theater Company when she was 14 years old (about 1872 if we use her correct birthdate) in a play called The Hidden Hand. Her career may have received a boost in 1888 and 1889 when, according to her own account, she was mentored by the famous actress Fanny Davenport when they performed together for two seasons in Sardou’s play La Tosca. Many other plays came and went over the years, including All The Comforts of Home, The Lights o’ London, The Private Secretary, and Gloriana. The first newspaper report of an appearance of Eleanor on stage that I have been able to find was published in September of 1882 when she would have been about 24 years old. That month, a new popular play by Paul Merritt and Augustus Harris from London, called Youth, opened in Boston with Eleanor Merron in the role of Alice Wenlock, one of the minor characters. Sometime around 1883, Eleanor met an actor by the name of Archibald “Archie” Cowper. Archie was part of an acting family which included his father, John C. Cowper,  a brother, Will C. Cowper,  a sister, Clara Cowper, and Archie himself. It was perhaps during 1884, while they were both acting in a play called The Lights o’ London, that they fell in love and decided to marry. The ceremony took place in Manhattan on 2 July 1885. Even with a busy acting career, Eleanor found time during this stage of her life to write a novel, As the Wind Blows, first published in 1895. The book received mixed reviews, with some finding it a nice moral story and others complaining that it showed all the marks of a novice writer.

Eleanor was described in contemporary reports as bright and clever, an interesting talker, plump with golden-hair, and “a stunning looking woman with a pair of blue eyes full of tenderness and sympathy and a keen sense of a jolly situation”; she was also considered a fine actress and writer. In recalling her early days of working with James H. Wallick she recounted the following in an interview in 1902:

I think the greatest strain I was ever in for mental and financial resources was about four seasons ago when I was about to appear in a new production under James H. Wallick’s management. Mr. Wallick had asked me to buy some things for the stage. I started out just after breakfast to select draperies, table covers, etc., and have them sent to the theater that evening before the performance, so that we could see the effect by electric light. They were to be paid for upon delivery. I could not find what I wanted at a reasonable price, so I decided to purchase the goods and make the articles myself. Then I remembered that I had not enough money to pay for them. I got into a cab, took the things along with me accompanied by a young man with the bill. I thought as it was only a matter of $50 they would certainly pay that at the hotel and charge it to me, but the manager did not appear to be used to such things. I explained and offered my ring for security. He said, “If you will bring me an order from Mr. Wallick, I will pay it.” “Good Lord man,” I interrupted, “if I could see Mr. Wallick I would not need to ask you.” So I drove over to the hotel where Mr. Wallick was staying, but he was not in. I swore a great big swear that those curtains should play in a star engagement that night. On my travels I had noticed a loan office. I had with me only two rings and a gold locket, but I dashed in and said, “I must have $50.” The man looked so astonished that I had to laugh in my excitement. I explained that I had lost my money and he gave me the cash. I had only four hours to cut, decorate and line the things, but I finished and was at the theater at a quarter before seven. When everything was arranged I felt thoroughly repaid and the effect delighted Mr. Wallick. The next day I confessed. Mr. Wallick looked stern. “In heaven’s name,” he said, “why did you do a thing like that?” I said in my chilliest manner, “I am very sorry to have offended you. I promised you to have the things for the scene in time and I thought I had redeemed my promise as few women would. Kindly take the money out of my salary, give me the things and consider the incident closed.” But I was wrong. I had made a big hit with Mr. Wallick. He was amazed and very much pleased.

In 1891, an actor friend of Archie and Eleanor’s, Henry Aveling, committed suicide. The night before, Aveling had met Cowper and told him he was going to end his life, but Archie did not believe him, even though he accompanied Aveling to the drug store to discuss the use of cyanide with the clerk. Apparently, Aveling had attempted suicide or stated his intent to attempt it a number of times before until it had become somewhat of a joke among his friends. This time it was not a joke. Again in 1894 a friend of the Cowpers, actress May Brookyn used carbolic acid to commit suicide. Did the suicides of these friends later play into Eleanor’s own decision to take her life? If nothing else, they may have planted a seed of an idea that later bloomed into reality.

Continued in PART 5

NOTES and REFERENCES
91. Brooklyn Life, Brooklyn, New York, Saturday, 30 April 1898, p. 32.
92. The Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Monday, 28 March 1898, p. 5 and Monday, 4 April 1898, p. 5.
93. The Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Monday, 4 April 1898, p. 5.
94. Gravestone in Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange Co., New York; The Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Tuesday, 8 November 1898, p. 5.
95. Gravestone in Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange Co., New York.
96. The New York Dramatic Mirror, New York City, Saturday, 25 November 1899, p. 2.
97. The Washington Post, Washington, D.C., Tuesday, 5 September 1905, p. 26.
98. The Chicago Daily Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Monday, 14 May 1900.
99. The Scranton Republican, Scranton, Pennsylvania, Thursday, 7 September 1899, p. 3; The Times, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Tuesday Morning, 19 September 1899, p. 2; The Democrat & Chronicle, Rochester, NY, Sunday, 1 October 1899, p. 14; The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Brooklyn, New York, Tuesday, 9 January 1900, p. 9; The Boston Herald, Boston, Massachusetts, Tuesday, 18 September 1900, p. 9; The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Brooklyn, New York, Tuesday, 9 October 1900, p. 5; The Morning Herald, Lexington, Kentucky, Wednesday, 13 February 1901, p. 2; The Cleveland Leader, Cleveland, Ohio, Sunday, 16 February 1902, p. 28; The Reading Times, Reading, Pennsylvania, Tuesday, 11 September 1906, p. 8.
100. The Plain Speaker, Hazleton, Pennsylvania, Friday, 20 April 1900, p. 4.
101. The Wilkes-Barre Times, Wilkes-Barre, Pennsylvania, Monday, 14 October 1901, p. 5.
102. “Maine Births and Christenings, 1739-1900,” database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/FW19-8ZZ : accessed 23 February 2016), Dora Ellen Merrow, 31 Oct 1858; citing ; FHL microfilm 11,587. Several newspaper articles use the name Merrow, rather than Merron when reporting on Eleanor. See for example, The Courier, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Sunday, 29 November 1908, p. 1, The Reno Gazette-Journal, Reno, Nevada, Wednesday, 2 December 1908, p. 2, or The Boston Post, Boston, Massachusetts, Saturday, 17 September 1892, p. 5.
103. The North American, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Monday, 25 September 1899, p. 9.
104. “Maine Births and Christenings, 1739-1900,” database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.1.1/FW19-8ZZ : accessed 23 February 2016), Dora Ellen Merrow, 31 Oct 1858; citing ; FHL microfilm 11,587.
105. 1860 US census, New Gloucester, Cumberland, Maine, p. 34 and 35, dwelling 267, family 288; 1870 US census, New Gloucester, Cumberland, Maine, p. 5 and 6, dwelling 42, family 33.
106. The North American, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Monday, 25 September 1899, p. 9; New York Dramatic Mirror, New York City, Saturday, 25 November 1899, p. 2.
107. See the included advertisement and playbill for La Tosca from 1888 and 1889 performances of Eleanor with Fanny Davenport, as well as her own account of this time reported in The North American, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Monday, 25 September 1899, p. 9 and in the New York Dramatic Mirror, New York City, Saturday, 25 November 1899, p. 2.
108. Most of this information comes from her own account published in the New York Dramatic Mirror, New York City, Saturday, 25 November 1899, p. 2; also The Boston Sunday Post, Boston, Massachusetts, Sunday, 27 May 1894, p. 11.
109. Boston Evening Transcript, Boston, Massachusetts, Wednesday, 20 September 1882, p. 4; The Boston Herald, Boston, Massachusetts, Sunday, 12 November 1882, p. 5; Eleanor may have played other parts in plays for the Boston Theater Company that year as she was listed as one of the members of the company (see The History of Boston Theater, 1854-1901 by Eugene Tompkins, Houghton-Mifflin Co., Boston and New York, 1908, p. 295.
110. The Boston Daily Globe, Boston, Massachusetts, Thursday Morning, 21 December 1876, p. 8; The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Brooklyn, New York, Sunday, 15 October 1893, p. 7; Portland Daily Press, Portland, Maine, Wednesday, 3 January 1877, p. 3; The Detroit Free Press, Detroit, Michigan, Sunday, 19 July 1896, p. 15.
111. The Democrat and Chronicle, Rochester, New York, Sunday, 20 January 1884, p. 4; The Buffalo Courier, Buffalo, New York, Tuesday Morning, 15 January 1884.
112. “New York, New York City Marriage Records, 1829-1940,” database, FamilySearch (https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:24SN-42X : accessed 16 February 2016), Archibald Cowper and Dora Me...Ron, 02 Jul 1885; citing Marriage, Manhattan, New York, New York, United States, New York City Municipal Archives, New York; FHL microfilm 1,570,465.
113. The Salt Lake Tribune, Salt Lake City, Utah, Tuesday, 12 November 1895, p. 4; The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Brooklyn, New York, Saturday, 19 October 1895, p. 10 and Thursday, 1 October 1896, p. 4; The Tennessean, Nashville, Tennessee, Monday, 21 October 1895, p. 4; The San Francisco Call, San Francisco, California, Sunday, 10 November 1895, p. 23 and Sunday, 1 December 1895, p. 21.
114. The Buffalo Courier, Buffalo, New York, For the Week Ending, 9 February 1902, p.2.; The Morning Times, Washington, D.C., Tuesday, 12 March 1901, p. 5; The North American, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Monday, 25 September 1899, p. 9; Titusville Herald, Titusville, Pennsylvania, Saturday, 31 March 1900.
115. The Minneapolis Journal, Minneapolis, Minnesota, Saturday, 19 April 1902, p. 18.
116. The Evening World, New York City, Friday, 20 March 1891, p. 3.
117. The Sun, New York City, Friday, 20 March 1891, p. 8.
118. The World, New York City, Sunday, 25 February 1894, p. 38.

James H. Wallick, the Bandit and Cattle King – An Owner of Hollyrood Farm (Part 3)

Poster advertising James H. Wallick’s Cattle King staring Kate Paxton courtesy of the Huntington Digital Library, Jay T. Last Collection of Lithographic and Social History.

James Henry Wallick & his wife Mary (McInnis) Wallick  

(Owners of Hollyrood Farm for 7+ Years, 1888-1895, 1897, 1903)

Continued from PART 2

MORE MELODRAMAS, PERSONAL SUCCESS, AND FINANCIAL STRUGGLES
Even though the play continued to be a success for the next decade, James Wallick wanted a second play to perform along with it. Starting in 1886, a new romantic melodrama, The Cattle King, written by William H. Young, was added to the company’s repertoire. [64] The new drama was set in the Rocky Mountains and was similar in style and form to the Bandit King and featured “four trained horses and a trick donkey.” [65] When the play opened in Cleveland in November, a full house of 2,342 were on hand and several hundred others had to be turned away. [66] A review of the performance stated that, “rarely, if ever, has there been heard such shouting and demonstrations of approval, even within the walls of the Cleveland theater. Every act was followed with a curtain call, and the hero was frequently called upon to acknowledge the plaudits of the public with a bow. The drama was excellently staged with new and appropriate scenery, and for a play of that character no fault can be found with the acting.” The negative reviews that had accompanied the performances of the Bandit King were essentially non-existent for the Cattle King.

Advertisement placed by James H. Wallick in the Kingston Daily Freeman, Thursday Evening, 10 January 1889, courtesy of Newspapers.com. The ad is typical of those placed in papers around the country advertising the traveling showman and his productions.

The success of these two plays allowed Wallick to climb out of debt by about 1888 for the first time in many years. [67] During 1888 these two plays were performed almost continuously across the country in over fifty cities (see 1888 travel schedule earlier in this chapter). By the year’s end, Wallick was ready to move on and in December that year he offered the two plays for sale [68], but apparently he did not get the offer he wanted as he continued to perform them in future years.

  Other romantic melodramas followed over the next two decades, including: The Mountain King, Sam Houston, The Blue Grass King, Devil’s Island, When London Sleeps, Queen of the Highway, King of Rogues, The Guilty Mother, She Dared Do Right, Her Wedding Day, Held for Ransom, and The Dairy Farm. None were quite as successful as the first two plays. It was said that, “When Wallick, the Bandit King actor, wants a new play, he turns one of his horses around, changes the name of one of his old plays, and there you are.” [69] By 1902, Wallick was one of the wealthiest stage performers and managers in the country and had accumulated about $250,000 from the success of his plays. [70] But this was perhaps the height of his success and wealth.

Although James Wallick was good at making money, he was even more skilled at spending it. First, just as he was rising out of debt, he plunged back into it. It was in May 1888 that James and Mary purchased the 264 acres that became Hollyrood Farm near Circleville, New York from Henry Low for $32,000. [71] Later that same month he purchased a large quantity of trotter racing stock to begin breeding his own horses at Hollyrood. [72] The plan was to make the farm a breeding ground for trotters, and Wallick had some limited success. During these years, the Wallick’s seemed to enjoy the time each year that they were able to spend at Hollyrood and the local papers loved to report on their comings and goings. [73]

But horse breeding and raising stock turned out not to be the ‘golden goose’ for the Wallicks. Three years after buying the farm in 1891, Wallick began advertising his breeding stock, the most famous of which was his stallion Millionaire (see included advertisement published in Wallace’s Monthly, a leading horse breeding journal). He shipped six of his finest horses to Chicago in May of that year to be sold at auction. [74] Unfortunately, the auction was very disappointing and “none of the horses brought the prices they should have. There were several bad features that were against [the sale]. The first two or three days it was so cold that purchasers could hardly stand around where the sale was going on.” [75] Still, in 1892, the Los Angeles Times listed James H. Wallick as one of the wealthiest actors in the country making $20,000 to $30,000 annually. [76]

Advertisement placed by James H. Wallick in Wallace’s Monthly, May 1891 (available from Google Books).

Notwithstanding their published wealth, James and Mary Wallick were often near the edge of their financial limits. In August of 1893, James and Mary deeded Hollyrood farm to James H. Rogers of New York City for $1 and the assumption of their $16,000 mortgage. [77] Rogers also purchased the stock on the farm, including the trotters. The farm at the time of the sale was described as containing “a lot of fine buildings and a half-mile track.” [78] The Wallicks may have also been given some other property by Rogers in trade. To diversify the farm, Rogers purchased from a Mr. James Houston “100 sheep of a very fine breed” to raise. [79] But he was apparently not much of a sheep man and no better with his money that Wallick. He lost the farm a year later. [80] At the foreclosure sale, the trotter horses that James Wallick had so carefully bred and cared for were sold at cut rate prices, including his prized stallion, Millionaire, who was won with a bid of $1,700. [81] Following the sale in the fall of 1894 or perhaps early in 1895, James and Mary Wallick once again became the owners of the property, and, in fact, in October of 1894 they were doing well enough financially to purchase a second large house and adjoining property with other buildings in Newport, Rhode Island. [82]

However, the next Spring, April of 1895, they were again close to losing Hollyrood Farm to foreclosure. The local paper, The Middletown Argus, reported that: “Hollyrood farm was advertised by B. M. Cox, referee, to be sold under foreclosure of a mortgage held by the Middletown Savings Bank at 2 p. m., at the Russell House, to-day, but at the request of Mrs. Wallick and of the attorney for the holder of a second mortgage, the sale was adjourned until Wednesday, April 24th, at the same place and hour.” [83] When the property was finally auctioned on the 24th, James and Mary Wallick once again maintained their ownership of the property (now at 276 acres, 12 more than what they purchased from Henry Low) with a bid of $17,608.32. [84] Shortly after this foreclosure auction, on the 1st of May 1895, the Wallicks sold the farm, all 276 acres, to Morris Robinson, a Polish immigrant for $20,000. Part of the sale included Robinson taking on the remaining $12,000 in mortgage debt owed by the Wallicks. [85]

But James and Mary were not through with Hollyrood. Morris Robinson was not able to meet his obligations to the Wallicks and to the farm creditors. The Wallicks filed suit against Robinson in the Orange County Supreme Court in September of 1896 over a disagreement related to promissory notes, jewelry, and the farm property. [86] The case was decided the next April in favor of the Wallicks [87] and on the 2nd of June 1897, Hollyrood was once more on the auction block, and once again James and Mary Wallick put in the winning bid. [88] The property was deeded back to them the next day. [89] This time they held onto the farm for two months before selling it to Moses and Elizabeth Crow for $22,000 on August 7th [90]; this was ten thousand dollars less than they had paid for it in 1888. After the sale of the farm, James and Mary continued to make their home in Middletown, near James boyhood home that lay just a few miles to the northeast in Ulster County.

Continued in PART 4

NOTES and REFERENCES
64. The Patriot, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Wednesday, 8 September 1886, p. 4.
65. The Patriot, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, Wednesday, 1 September 1886, p. 4.
66. The Cleveland Leader, Cleveland, Ohio, Tuesday, 2 November 1886, p. 3.
67. The Indianapolis News, Indianapolis, Indiana, Saturday, 2 June 1888.
68. The New York Dramatic Mirror, New York City, Saturday, 29 December 1888, p. 11.
69. Al Thayer, 1894, Ah There: Pickings from Lobby Chatter in the Cincinnati Enquirer, p. 170 (available online through Google Books).
70. Philharmonic: A Magazine Devoted to Music Art Drama, v. 2, p. 222 (available online through Google Books).
71. Orange County, New York Deeds Book 358, p. 593.
72. The Cleveland Plain Dealer, Cleveland, Ohio, Wednesday, 30 May 1888, p. 6.
73. The Middletown Times Press, Middletown, New York, Thursday, 14 July 1892, p. 7; Tuesday, 23 August 1892; Monday, 27 March 1893, p. 3; and Tuesday, 25 April 1893, p. 3.
74. The Middletown Times Press, Middletown, New York, Tuesday, 5 May 1891, p. 2.
75. The Middletown Times Press, Middletown, New York, Tuesday, 12 May 1891, p. 3.
76. Los Angeles Times, Los Angeles, California, Sunday, 22 May 1892, p. 12.
77. Orange County, New York Deeds, Book 401, p. 567.
78. The Middletown Times Press, Middletown, New York, Wednesday, 23 August 1893, p. 3. See the chapter on Rogers and his partner Rowe for more on these short-term owners of the farm.
79. The Middletown Daily Times, Middletown, New York, Monday, 13 November 1893.
80. The Middletown Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Monday, 23 July 1894, p. 8 and Wednesday, 1 August 1894. p. 5. 
81. The Middletown Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Wednesday, 1 August 1894, p. 5.
82. The Newport Mercury, Newport, Rhode Island, Saturday, 20 October 1894, p. 1.
83. The Middletown Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Wednesday, 3 May 1895, p. 5.
84. Orange County Deeds, Book 415, p. 219.
85. Orange County, New York Deeds, Book 415, p. 222, dated 1 May 1895.
86. The Middletown Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Friday, 25 September 1896, p. 3; Thursday, 14 January 1897, p. 8; and Monday, 1 February 1897.
87. The Middletown Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Monday, 5 April 1897, p. 8.
88. The Middletown Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Wednesday, 2 June 1897, p. 5.
89. Orange County New York Deeds, Book 431, p. 271; Orange County New York Mortgages, Book 353, p. 449.
90. Orange County, New York Deeds, Book 431, p. 275; The Daily Argus, Middletown, New York, Monday, 28 June 1897, p. 8. 

James H. Wallick, the Bandit and Cattle King – An Owner of Hollyrood Farm (Part 2)

Poster advertising James H. Wallick’s production of The New Bandit King, probably from about 1902-1903. Posed in the image are Wallick and his famous acting horses.

James Henry Wallick & his wife Mary (McInnis) Wallick  

(Owners of Hollyrood Farm for 7+ Years, 1888-1895, 1897, 1903)

Continued from PART 1

THE WALLICK COMBINATION
The Wallack/Wallick Combination, James group of traveling actors, existed at least between the years 1874 and 1879. Combination groups differed from repertory groups in that they only offered one play, not several and they generally included a famous, headline actor/actress and more elaborate scenery than a repertory company. [26] James Wallick’s troupe performed plays in small and large cities across the country to generally favorable reviews. In 1878, his company, with Charlotte Thompson playing the lead, performed the classic Jane Eyre and received rave reviews. The Atchison Daily Champion reported, “Notwithstanding the inclemency of the evening, and the steady, drizzling rain that prevailed all day, Corinthian hall was almost packed to see and hear Charlotte Thompson’s rendition of Jane Eyre, in the drama of that name, supported by Wallack’s splendid theatrical combination. Never, in the theatrical history of Atchison, has such homage been paid a star as was bestowed upon Miss Thompson last evening. Many of the finer emotional parts of the drama were lost to the audience by the continued applause that met her better efforts, and when she assayed her strongest dramatic powers, the death like stillness that immediately proceeded the prolonged and enthusiastic applause told how acutely the audience were moved by her superb acting. It was a treat which our amusement lovers ever remember, and Mr. Wallack has the thanks of our Atchison people for his enterprise in bringing so brilliant a theatrical star to our city...Of Mr. James Wallack as a manager we cannot say too much. His companies have invariably been the best that have ever visited Atchison. It is a favorite scheme with many combination managers to bolster up a season’s business on the name of a popular star with a low salaried and inferior company to get the rag tail of the profession, which could be had for a song, fill in with anything, and come through the west, with what he calls a money making snap. It is such managers that bring the show business into bad repute. Mr. Wallack has never yet deceived our people. Only the strongest professional people are employed by him, and when his name heads a combination, it is sufficient guarantee that his people are actors and actresses. [27]

Advertisement published in the Daily Arkansas Gazette, Little Rock, Arkansas on Thursday, September 10, 1874.

In late 1879 and early 1880, however, while performing in the Midwest, the group began to fall apart, due most likely to financial troubles. [28] James and his company were disbanded by May 1880 and he took employment with Sells Brothers Circus as a “business manager.” [29] His stint with Sells Brothers was a short one for by March of 1881 he was working for Hilliard and Demott’s Great Pacific Circus and Menagerie as a “newspaper man.” [30] In this position it was likely that his duties included producing the advertisements for the circus and getting them into the appropriate newspapers as the company traveled.

But life was about to change for James H. Wallick. A playwright by the name of James J. McCloskey had written a play called the “Bandit King” about the exploits of Jesse and Frank James and in March of 1882 he sold the play to Wallick and a prominent, but unnamed, circus manager, likely Sheldon Hopkins Barrett, brother-in-law to the Sells brothers and manager of their No. 2 show that became known as Barrett’s Circus. [31] The New York Clipper reported:

J. J. McCluskey [sic.] has sold to Jas. H. Wallick and a prominent circus manager the entire rights of his sensational equestrian drama entitled “Jesse James, the Bandit King,” founded upon incidents in the lives of the noted James Brothers. The horses introduced in it will be, it is said, the best ever trained by George Bartholomew. There are fifteen strongly-drawn characters, and the scenery and mechanical effects will be new. It will receive its first representation in September next, and J. H. Wallick will be the general business manager. [32]

The timing of this purchase could not have been better. The James gang and their associates had been successfully terrorizing banks and trains for more than a decade and had become national icons. But about a month after the purchase of McCloskey’s play by Wallick, on the 3 April 1882, Jesse James was shot and killed by one of his own gang members, Robert Ford. [33] The nation was primed for the release of the play. Almost immediately Wallick tried to obtain the horses, garments, and firearms used by the outlaw. [34] He also inquired of the local press in Missouri for additional details on the life and character Jesse James. [35] In June, the press reported that Wallick had completed the purchase of two horses from the estate of Jesse James and that these horses would appear in the play. [36] The horses were shipped to New York in July where they were put into training under the direction of Barrett’s Circus (a subsidiary of Sells Brothers) equestrian trainer. [37]

THE BANDIT KING
James H. Wallick set about vigorously organizing a company of actors and preparing to debut the play. [38] However, while he and his circus partners were preparing to launch the play, other enterprising individuals also saw the possible financial advantage of cashing in on Jesse James and began to put on McCloskey’s play or something like it using a similar name. Wallick, supported by the playwright McCloskey took these as serious infractions of their ownership of the work and let it be known that such infractions would not be tolerated. [39]

By September the play was ready. Wallick kicked off the inaugural tour by linking up with the Ford brothers––one of whom it will be remembered killed Jesse James––for a showcase at Bunnell’s Broadway Museum in New York City from September 18th to the 23rd. [40] Although it does not appear that the play was performed at the museum during this week, part of the attraction for people to come to the museum was to see Jesse James’ horses, called in the museum advertisement Roan Raider and Light Bay (later renamed Bay Raider and Roan Charger). Even though questions were raised about the authenticity of the horses, Wallick had from the Ford brothers a signed affidavit stating that these were indeed the steeds that had belonged to Jesse James [41], and Wallick advertised them as such across the country. [42]

Jesse (25y) and Frank James (29y) taken in 1872 at Carolinda, Illinois. Photo courtesy of U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Digital Visual Library.

Jesse James in April 1882 after he was shot and killed by his own gang member, Bob Ford. Photo by R. Uhlman, St. Joseph, Mo. reproduced courtesy of the U.S. Library of Congress.

After the closure of this grand opening show at the museum, Wallick and his company embarked on a whirlwind tour of at least 37 cities throughout the Midwest over the last three months of 1882. During the one month stretch between November 13th and December 12th, they appeared in at least nineteen cities with no performance stop lasting longer than two days. Reviews of the play were generally negative, sometimes strongly negative. The Chicago Daily Tribune in a lengthy review called the play a “hot and highly-spiced dish,” but noted that the Olympic Theater was packed every night and police had to be called in to keep the “eager crowds” from breaking down the doors. [43] The review goes on to lament that the “managers will probably make a barrel of money with it, while first-class attractions are forced to the wall for want of public support.” In Milwaukee, the play again drew an overflowing audience, but the critics viewed it as “idiotic slush” attracting the “cattle-yard critics, who when they indulge in the slow and laborious pastime of reading, tackle flashy literature of the dime novel or “penny-dreadful’ order.” [44] In Des Moines, Iowa the play was labeled as immoral and “respectable people” were advised to refuse to patronize it and particularly to keep their youth from attending. [45] The play was also panned by the Cleveland Leader as being trash put on as “a succession of scenes from the life of the outlaw strung together in a bungling way, so utterly bad that they could not save it.” [46] Nonetheless, the theater in Cleveland was full, with only a few empty seats. The Cleveland Herald commenting on the production stated that, “It matters very little whether newspapers do all in their power to discourage the production of such plays as Jesse James, the Bandit King...there will always be found in every large city a certain element who gloat in plays of that description, people so imbued with hero-worship that they will not stop at anything, and even go so far as to applaud and approvingly shout at a stage reproduction of the dastardly deeds that Jesse James was noted for.” The review goes on to say that, “...the character of James is drawn in such a heroic light, train robbery and thieving is put in such a tempting form before the eyes and minds of the young, that we consider it dangerous.” [47]

Show cities for the “Bandit King” after it first opened in September of 1882. The tour cites have been reconstructed here from reports in newspapers found on several websites, including: Genealogy Bank, Newspapers.com, Chronicling America (Library of Congress), and Newspaper Archive. Some cities may have been missed in this search.

The play was banned from being performed in late November in Battle Creek, Michigan because of its perceived immoral character. [48] But on November 29th, it was performed anyway under the name of “Old Kentuck.” The Marshall Daily Chronicle reported that, “On the evening of the play, the manager (James Wallick) simply changed the name to “Old Kentuck” and altered the names of some of the characters. The mayor and a squad of 20 extra policemen sworn in for the special occasion were promptly on hand to squelch the immoral ‘Jesse James,’ but were powerless against ‘Old Kentuck.’ They therefore made the best of it, and the mayor found an excuse for sitting through the play.” [49]

St. Louis was one of the few places where the play received a favorable review. The St. Louis Globe-Democrat reported that:

"The largest audience that has ever assembled in the People’s Theater was there last night to witness the opening representation of Jesse James, the Bandit King, a red-hot, blood-and-thunder drama from the pen of J. J. McCloskey, the author of Across the Continent and other extraordinary romantic plays. There were fully 2,400 persons in the house, which was crowded up and down stairs to the very last inch of standing room. The play was found to be all that the hearts of its patrons could desire. Nearly everybody in it, except the females and an inoffensive barkeeper, was a walking arsenal, and every act teemed with thrilling incidents beside which the works of recent English melodramatists...grow absolutely pale. There was the wildest enthusiasm from beginning to end of the performance, and the demonstration was perfectly justified by the situations, which were base upon the bloodiest and most daring events in the career of the James boys.” [50]

Advertisement from the Daily Gazette, Xenia, Ohio (Friday, 28 November 1884, p. 3).

The cast of the play in this inaugural season consisted of about thirteen male actors and three females, including both James H. Wallick, as Jesse James, and his wife Mary Wallick, in a minor role as a character named Sarah Jane. [51] In addition, there were approximately fifty others in supporting roles as highwaymen, railroad men, stage drivers, passengers, soldiers, and guards, as well as the two trained horses.

The success of the play, notwithstanding the negative reviews, attracted the attention of playwright Frank Lavarnie and his partner Sidney C. France. Lavarnie and France filed a lawsuit in November in the U.S. Circuit Court of Philadelphia asking that James H. Wallack, S. H. Barrett, and James J. McCloskey be restrained from continuing to produce Jesse James, the Bandit King because the play was plagiarized from their play entitled The James Boys, Jesse and Frank, the Missouri Outlaws. [52] However, the similarities between the two plays were not compelling enough for Judge Ludlow who heard the complaint; he dismissed the suit. [53]

The problem of negative reviews and perceptions of portraying immoral behavior as heroic continued to follow the traveling company into 1883. In March, after a performance in Newburyport, Massachusetts, the “Rev. Melville Smith, pastor of the Second Presbyterian Church caused the arrest of James H. Wallick, W. H. Hamilton, F. H. Quick, and Hewitt Smith, members of the troupe, for corrupting the morals of the young by making vice attractive.” [54] Wallick was held over for Grand Jury trial and a performance that was scheduled for  March 22 in Lowell, Massachusetts, two days after the arrest of the actors, was apparently cancelled. But these disruptions did not substantially slow down performances of the play. By early April, the decision on the immorality of the play was still undecided in the Massachusetts courts [55], but the show was again on the road with performances in towns and cities across New York and Pennsylvania. [56]

Even though ticket sales were brisk and Wallick was making money on the play, he may have been concerned by these accusations of immorality. So in new advertisements that appeared in 1883, he and his partners began to claim that the play was good, wholesome, family entertainment. “A play you can take your family to without the least hesitation. Not an immoral sentiment or action,” proclaimed the new ads. This may have helped some, but on through the rest of 1883 and into 1884, the play was still not welcomed in a number of communities. For example, it was not allowed to play or was performed under protest in Madison, Wisconsin [57], Jacksonville, Illinois [58], Rockford, Illinois [59], Leavenworth, Kansas [60], Huntington, Indiana [61], Emporia, Kansas [62], Mansfield, Ohio, and undoubtedly other communities. The Mansfield, Ohio Herald on 27 March 1884 reported:

The equestrian drama of the Bandit King, in which J. H. Wallick personated the character of the murderer and cut-throat, Jesse James, was advertised to be produced at Miller’s Opera House on Thursday evening last. That the tendency of such performances, by familiarizing the youth of the city with scenes of bloodshed, robbery and other crimes, and by making heroes out of outlaw and desperadoes, was corrupting to their morals, was the feeling of a number of people, and that the city might be saved from the disgrace of an exhibition so injurious to the minds of the rising generation, the following remonstrance, as signed, was placed in the hands of the Mayor on the morning of that day:

March 20, 1884 -- To His Honor, Mayor Stough: SIR: The undersigned respectfully request you to exercise your authority as Mayor, by suppressing the intended exhibition of the Jesse James Co. to-night and by directing further that hereafter all minstrel shows composed of women performers shall not be permitted at Mansfield. We ask you to do this, not because we object to any reasonable or proper form of amusement, but to prevent indecent and demoralizing exhibitions. We want to protect the young, and the old for that matter, from all shows, exhibitions or performances which are vicious or which present crime in a romantic and attractive form.

    James Reynolds           Charles Herr           George Brinkerhoff
    L.A. Armentrout           F.J. Kalmerten         John W. Jenner
    F.E. Tracy                     Simon Grove           H.M. Weaver
    Geo. W. Blymyer           Willis M. Sturges    A.D. Knapp
    Geo. F. Carpenter         A. Kallmerten         Jos. S. Hedges
    Benj. Blair                    N.N. Leyman           R.R. Maxwell
    Hiram R. Smith             J.E. Brown             S.A. Bronson
    F.M. Iams                      R. Lean                  P. Bigelow
    Martin Hammond         W.P. Clarke            F.A. Gilbert
    Ben Hurxthal                Jacob Steinrock      Chas. M. Lain
    James White                 Albert Berno           A.J. Gilbert
    A. Anderson                 J.M. Waugh             Geo. Knofflock
    Chas. F. Harding         S.A. George             B.L. Bevington
    J.A. Anderson              A. Scattergood        Henry Schiret
    Hobart Scattergood     A.P. Seiler              M.D. Harter

Later in the day one of the most prominent petitioners sought a personal interview with the Mayor and put the question direct to him: “Do you mean to stop the performance?” The Mayor said he thought he would, but intimated at the same time that he did not wish to involve the city in any litigation that might result unless the petitioners backed up their remonstrance with a bond. This, signed by a dozen or more wealthy citizens, was forthcoming, and the gentleman left the presence of His Honor with the assurance that the play should not be allowed.

Acting under the instructions of his superior, Marshall Weil in the afternoon called upon M.L. Miller, lessee of the Opera House, and notified him verbally that should they attempt to produce the drama, he would be compelled to exercise his authority. Mr. Miller referred the Marshall to Mr. Wallick, who demanded “the papers” usual in such cases. These could not be produced, and the Marshal, having obeyed the orders of His Honor, retired.

The Mayor, in his endeavors to retain the good will of Mr. Harter (the long list of other petitioners was ignored), then hunted up and asked the advice of two or three different lawyers as to the most effective way to bring about the desired result. He was told to examine the statutes covering the case in point, and that the best plan to pursue would be to serve an injunction on the manager of the show. Near the hour for ringing up the curtain, the Mayor ran across Mr. John A. Connolly, the City Solicitor -- “my legal adviser”, as referred to by the Mayor when found in consultation with that gentleman in an uptown grocery by a HERALD reporter -- and the two proceeded to the Solicitor’s office to hunt up authorities and to get out the necessary warrants. The reporter went directly to the Opera House to await developments and tarried until the performance was well under way, but no officer armed with power to hustle Jesse James and troupe headlong down the stairway appeared, and the play proceeded to the end undisturbed.

The Mayor, after passing the greater part of the day at some saloons, finally wandered into the Opera House -- to judge for himself of the immorality of the play -- and was a deeply interested spectator of the blood and thunder scenes there depicted.

Notwithstanding the success of the play, these calls of immorality and the uproar it created, seemed to have some effect. In 1885, James H. Wallick changed the main character’s name from Jesse James to Joe Howard and dropped Jesse James from the title so that it became simply The Bandit King. [63]

Advertisement (highlights added) that includes claims of clean, family oriented drama for the Bandit King. Clipping is from the Decatur, Illinois Daily Review (Wednesday, 24 October 1883, p. 1).

Continued in PART 3

NOTES AND REFERENCES
26. See https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Combination_company.
27. The Atchison Daily Champion, Atchison, Kansas, Friday, 15 February 1878, p. 4.
28. The Inter Ocean, Chicago, Illinois, Saturday, 13 December 1879, p. 6; The Chicago Daily Tribune, Sunday, 14 December 1879; The Chicago Daily Tribune, Thursday, 25 December 1879, p. 8; New York Dramatic Mirror, Saturday, 17 January 1880, p. 3; The Inter Ocean, Chicago, Illinois, Saturday, 24 April 1880, p. 6.
29. New York Dramatic Mirror, Saturday, 8 May 1880, p. 4; Daily Arkansas Gazette, Little Rock, Arkansas, Saturday, 28 August 1880, p. 8.
30. Galveston Daily News, Galveston, Texas, Sunday, 27 March 1881.
31. William L. Slout, Olympians of the Sawdust Circle: A Biographical Dictionary of the Nineteenth Century American Circus: The Borgo Press, San Bernardino, California, 1998, p. 19. S. H. Barrett and his circus appear in several advertisements and news articles about James H. Wallick in 1882 and 1884. He is undoubtedly the unnamed partner mentioned in the New York Clipper article.
32. The New York Clipper, New York City, Saturday, 4 March 1882, p. 829.
33. The Saint Paul Globe, Saint Paul, Minnesota, Tuesday, 4 April 1882, p. 1.
34. Fort Wayne Sentinel, Fort Wayne, Indiana, Saturday, 8 April 1882.
35. The Atchison Globe, Atchison, Kansas, Monday, 10 April 1882.
36. The Bloomington Daily Leader, Bloomington, Indiana, Saturday, 24 June 1882.
37. Cincinnati Daily Gazette, Cincinnati, Ohio, Saturday, 15 July 1882, p. 6.
38. The Topeka Daily Capital, Topeka, Kansas, Tuesday, 18 April 1882, p. 3; St Louis Globe-Democrat, Saint Louis, Missouri, Sunday, 9 April 1882, p. 9; The Atchison Globe, Atchison, Kansas, Monday, 10 April 1882, p. 3.
39. The Times Picayune, New Orleans, Louisiana, Sunday, 9 July 1882, p. 10.
40. New York Herald, New York City, Wednesday, 20 September 1882, p. 3.
41. New York Herald, New York City, Wednesday, 20 September 1882, p. 3; Kansas City Times, Kansas City, Missouri, Wednesday, 9 March 1892, p. 4.
42. Daily Republican-Sentinel, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 10 October, 1882, p. 4; Globe-Democrat, Saint Louis, Missouri, 6 November 1882, p. 3; Bloomington Daily Leader, Bloomington, Indiana, Saturday, 24 June 1882.
43. Chicago Daily Tribune, Chicago, Illinois, Sunday, 8 October 1882, p. 20.
44. The Daily Republican-Sentinel, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Tuesday, 10 October 1882, p. 4.
45. The Daily Nonpareil, Council Bluffs, Iowa, Friday, 27 October 1882, p. 8.
46. The Cleveland Leader, Cleveland, Ohio, Tuesday, 19 December 1882, p. 7.
47. The Cleveland Herald, Cleveland, Ohio, Tuesday, 19 December 1882.
48. Detroit Free Press, Detroit, Michigan, Thursday, 23 November 1882, p. 4 and Thursday, 30 November 1882, p. 4.
49. Marshall Daily Chronicle, Marshall, Michigan, Friday, 1 December 1882.
50. St. Louis Globe-Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, Monday, 6 November 1882, p. 3.
51. The Cincinnati Inquirer, Cincinnati, Ohio, Sunday, 31 December 1882, p. 13.
52. The Times Philadelphia Sun, Sunday, 12 November 1882, p. 6.
53. The North American, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, Wednesday, 15 November 1882.
54. National Republican, Washington, D.C., Monday, 26 March 1883, p. 1.
55. The Arizona Weekly Citizen, Tucson, Arizona, Sunday, 8 April 1883, p. 1.
56. See for example, The Olean Democrat, Olean, New York, Tuesday, 17 April 1883, p. 1, and The Daily City News, New Castle, Pennsylvania, Friday, 3 April 1883, p. 1. The play also performed in April in a number of other cites including Jamestown, NY, Port Jervis, NY, and Titusville, PA.
57. The Evening Gazette, Pittston, Pennsylvania, Friday, 9 October 1883, p. 1.
58. The Daily Republican, Decatur, Illinois, Wednesday, 31 October 1883, p. 3.
59. The Rockford Register, Rockford, Illinois, Monday, 15 October 1883.
60. The Holton Recorder, Holton, Kansas, Thursday, 22 November 1883, p. 2.
61. The Indiana Herald, Huntington, Indiana, Wednesday, 21 November 1883, p. 1. 
62. The Iola Register, Iola, Kansas, Friday, 23 November 1883, p. 9.
63. The Boston Herald, Boston, Massachusetts, Sunday, 12 April 1885, p. 14.

James H. Wallick, the Bandit and Cattle King – An Owner of Hollyrood Farm (Part 1)

See note #1

James Henry Wallick (a.k.a. Henry “Hank” Wheeler, Patrick J. Fubbins, and James Fubbins Wallack) & his wife Mary (McInnis) Wallick  

(Owners of Hollyrood Farm for 7+ Years, 1888-1895, 1897, 1903)

On May 15, 1888 Henry Low sold a farm near Circleville, New York to Mary McInnis (or McGinnis) Wallick, wife of James H. Wallick, for $32,000, making a nice profit of $6000 on the 264 acres. [2] It was under the ownership of the Wallicks that the farm was first called by the name Hollyrood. James was an actor and traveling showman. Between January and mid-May of 1888, when he and Mary purchased the farm, Wallick’s company of actors had performed his popular equestrian plays The Bandit King and The Cattle King in a host of cities, including Boston, New York City, Montreal, Buffalo, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Cincinnati. After the purchase, he would take the troupe from Chicago to San Francisco and then back to New York and Boston. [3] The last few years had been good ones for the Wallicks––they were finally making a profit and out of debt. In 1888 the Chicago Times reported on some of their earlier troubles with this article:

“I wish I had the money you have paid on debts,” said George Fair, the treasurer of the Haymarket Theater, to James H. Wallick, who is playing “the Bandit King” there this week.

“You could retire on it,” said Mr. Wallick, “but I don’t think you would care to go through what I did when I was paying those debts. I shouldn’t care to again. I believe I have had more summonses served on me than any other man in America. Why one morning, as I stood talking with a friend in front of the Windsor Theater, in New York, a constable came up and served the papers on seventy-two suits against me all at once.”

Certainly Mr. Wallick has had his ups and downs, and, while his struggles have sometimes been desperate, it must be very satisfactory to him to look back at the manner in which he fought his way through them. In the spring of 1880 Mr. Wallick published an advertisement in the New York and Chicago papers asking everybody who had a claim against him to send it to Mr. Thomas Cratty, the well-known Chicago lawyer. He then deposited every cent he could rake and scrape––about $9,000––with Mr. Cratty and told him to sprinkle it over the claims in such a manner as to keep off attachments until he could earn some more. In a few week he called on Mr. Cratty and asked him if any claims had come in. Cratty put his feet on his table, lighted a fresh cigar, and, with awful calmness looked at his client.

“What I want to know,” said the lawyer finally, “is how the devil a man without any money can get into debt as you have. Why, man, I’ve got claims for more than $50,000 against you.”
“Is that all?” said Wallick. “That’s only a patch of the whole.”

He then gave Cratty a list of his indebtedness, and after the $9,000 that had been paid was subtracted, there still remained more than $65,000, and he had not one dollar of assets in the world. Mr. Cratty said:

“Of course you can never pay all this. The best thing you can do is to go through bankruptcy.”
Mr. Wallick said he meant to pay every dollar of it and would not go through bankruptcy. The lawyer said he was crazy, but subsequent events have shown that he was not.

“Three years ago,” said Mr. Wallick, “I closed my season out of debt and went into New York for the first time in my life with money enough to carry me over and start me out on the road the next season.
Day before yesterday, Mr. Leroy Payne offered Mr. Wallick $42,500 for his interest in the livery business of Leroy Payne & Co., and Mr. Wallick declined to sell. [4]

Schedule and route for James H. Wallick’s traveling company for the year 1888. The shows being presented this year were The Cattle King and The Bandit King and they typically played to sold-out houses. The information sources for this chart and map come from newspaper accounts and advertisements found at GenealogyBank.com, Newspapers.com, NewspaperArchive.com, and Chronicling America (Library of Congress) websites. Some locations where the troupe performed are likely missing due to lack of available digitized newspapers on the source sites used, but the picture is still fairly complete. The question marks on the map represent gaps in the performance record and may indicate that other cities in these areas were places where the plays were performed.

Now, by the end of May, the same year (1888) that they purchased the farm, James and Mary were doing well enough that they were able to buy from a Mr. C. F. Emery a large quantity of trotter stock from Emery’s Forest City Farm near Cleveland, Ohio. [5] The purchase of Hollyrood farm and the new career as a trotter breeder perhaps gave some measure of stability to the couple’s wandering lifestyle. They seemed to truly enjoy the time they spent at Hollyrood, and when they had the opportunity, James and Mary entertained local guests and endeared themselves to the local merchants by spreading their wealth around. [6] The farm was, after all, a place to go home to, a place near James’ roots in Ulster County just a few miles to the north.

JAMES WALLICK’S EARLY YEARS
James H. Wallick was a man who rose from poverty to become one of the most popular entertainers of his day. He was born 26 June 1844 in Hurley, Ulster County, New York, the son of Susan (probably Ellsworth) and perhaps Jacob Wheeler. [7] Because of later accounts, the name of his father is in doubt, even though at the age of 7 years he was living in Hurley in the household of Jacob and Susan Wheeler and listed as Henry Wheeler. In 1908, at the time of his death, several papers gave his original name as Patrick J. Fubbins. [8] Charles Carroll Dominge, in recalling his own boyhood in 1944, recounts that, “His parents died and left him an orphan and he was adopted by the Wheeler family and chose the stage name of James H. Wallick as he admired the famous actor Wallack. I admired this actor as a boy when I exercised his famous acting horses...” [9] He is also referred to as Patrick Fubbins or James H. Fubbins Wallick in a few other newspaper stories all published between 1879 and 1882 [10], a period of time when James was in considerable debt. None of the reports where Fubbins is used during this time period are particularly complimentary of him. However, in published advertisements and stories prior to this time, even as early as 1874, he was using the name James H. Wallack and performing plays with the Wallack Combination, a group of actors that included his wife Mary. [11]

One other account of his youth published in 1923 by someone named Elmendorph, who claimed Wallick lived with his family as a youth, names him James Henry Wheeler and explains that Wallick’s boyhood was “spent in Hurley––known in those days as Old Hurley. His family, who were poor, sought aid from the town, and [my father] John L. Elmendorph, at that time ‘poormaster’ took the boy to live in his own family, where he had the advantage of a good home and some schooling. Later he was apprenticed to a wagon-maker in Hurley, and learned the trade. The boy, however, was ambitious, and in the years following, was tempted to join a circus, thus laying the foundation of a successful business career. His mother, who was Susan Ellsworth, married a person by the name of Wheeler, and lived the greater part of her life in Rondout. The boy, James Henry, developed a keen intelligence and later proved himself a man of ability, and I may say nobility as well. He disliked the name of Wheeler, and so when he had fitted himself into a different sphere, he had it legally changed to Wallick. Thus the two names, “Hank” Wheeler” and “Jim” Wallick, became identical.” [12] According to what was likely the same source, Henry Wheeler supposedly served in what was called the “Canal Brigade” during the Civil War. [13]

Which of these accounts is most accurate? After reviewing the evidence, it seems probable that the Elmendorph account is closer to the truth. This account is the only one to claim intimate knowledge of Wallick as a young boy and also knowledge of him at the time of his death and burial in Middletown next to his mother and sister. [14] Other available records verify Elmendorph’s story to some extent. The 1850 U.S. Census of Hurley, Ulster County, New York has, as was mentioned earlier, a Henry Wheeler, age 7, in the household of Jacob Wheeler (age 32 years), Susan Wheeler (age 33 years), and Matilda Wheeler (age 3 years). [15] Interestingly, Susan, not Jacob, is listed as a “pauper” in this census and, although they are listed as a separate family, she and Jacob and the children are living in the same dwelling as James (age 31 years) and Maria Ellsworth and next to the dwellings of William Ellsworth (age 36 years) and Margaret Ellsworth (age 65 years). This appears to be a family group with Margaret Ellsworth likely the family matron and James and William as siblings. It may be that Susan married one of these Ellsworth men later on to become Mrs. Ellsworth or, more likely, this was her maiden name that she reclaimed after Jacob Wheeler disappeared from the picture. She was likely the Susan Ellsworth (age 50 years) listed as a domestic servant in the Jeremiah Ten Broeck household of Saugerties, Ulster County, New York in 1870. [16]

Further substantiating the Elmendorph account, we find, in the 1855 New York State Census of Hurley, that Henry Wheeler (age 12) was a servant in the household of  Jane Elmendorf (age 73, spelled with an ‘f’ rather than a ‘ph’ in this census), who also had in her household a nephew, John L. Elmendorf (age 25) and his wife Elizabeth (age 20). [17] In 1860 the only Henry Wheeler of the right age (17 years) was living with the Anthony Dumond family in Hurley and working as a blacksmith apprentice––not exactly what the Elmendorph account had suggested, which was wagon-maker apprentice, but closely related and might have been confused by either the census taker or by Elmendorph as he recalled the history. In addition, on 8 November 1898 the Middletown Argus reported that “Mrs. Ellsworth, mother of James H. Wallick, died at Rondout.” [18] She was buried in the Hillside Cemetery in Middletown, New York along with her daughter Matilda, who died the next year. [19]

Another record that backs up the Elmendorph account is the Civil War service record for a Henry Wheeler who enlisted at Rondout, New York on 13 November 1861 at the age of 22 years, was mustered in as a sergeant in Company G, of the 102nd Infantry (also known as the “Canal Brigade”), but was later demoted to corporal, and finally deserted on 1 November 1862, less than one year into his 3-year commitment. [20]

So, was his name originally Patrick Fubbins? Or was it Henry Wheeler? Other than the newspaper accounts of people who knew him later in life, there is no evidence that his birth name was Fubbins. Patrick Fubbins may have been an earlier stage name created by James Wallick or simply a name he used as he told stories to others about his early life. I will concede it is also possible that he was born out of wedlock to his mother, Susan, and to a man named Fubbins. The only problem with this hypothesis is that I have been unable to find any possible fathers, or even any other Fubbins families, in the Ulster County area during the time that James was supposed to have been born, and all the early records we do find have him as Henry Wheeler. One additional possibility is that after he deserted from the infantry during the Civil War, he changed his name to Fubbins to cover his tracks.
 In summary, from all of the accounts, it appears that the boy known as Henry Wheeler in Ulster County was later known by Patrick J. Fubbins, perhaps by James Fubbins Wallack, then by James H. Wallack, and finally by James H. Wallick. It has been suggested that he was an admirer of the great British/American actor, James William Wallack, Sr., who was the founder of the Wallack Theater in New York City and that this was the reason he took for himself the name of James H. Wallack. [21] Actor James William Wallack died on 25 December 1864, but he left two sons, Lester Wallack and Henry Wallack, and a grandson, James W. Wallack, Jr. who continued acting on the stage in New York. [22]

A second opinion on why Henry Wheeler chose the name James H. Wallack was given by the New York Dramatic Mirror claiming that he was using the name because he wanted people to believe that he was connected to the more famous Wallack family of actors. [23] It seems likely that this is at least partially true. James (Henry) was an opportunist. Using the well-known Wallack name in places across America where most people would not know the difference certainly did not hurt business. An advertisement from the Daily Arkansas Gazette in September of 1874 lauds the traveling company as the “Great and Only Wallack Combination” starring May [sic.] Wallack and James H. Wallack. [24] Since this is one of the first documented appearances of the Wallack Combination, it was a bit presumptuous of James to claim that it was the “Great and Only” Wallack Combination and adds credence to the suggestion that he was using the Wallack name to attract customers. Later, when James and his company became more popular and widely known, his use of the Wallack name irritated the Wallack clan of actors in New York, so he changed his name to Wallick with an “i” rather than an “a.” The change was apparently forced on him when actor Lester Wallack obtained an injunction forbidding him from using the name Wallack. [25]

Continued in PART 2

NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Sketch of James Wallick taken from Philadelphia Inquirer, Sunday, 30 August 1891, p. 10.
2. Orange County Deeds, Book 358, p. 593.
3. See the included schedule and route of his traveling show that was compiled from available newspaper accounts for 1888. There are likely several places that the show stopped for one or more nights that have not been identified and are not shown on the map and chart.
4. Article originally published in the Chicago Times, but republished in Indianapolis News, Saturday, 2 June 1888.
5. Cleveland Plain Dealer, Wednesday, 30 May 1888, p. 6.
6. See for example, Middletown Times Press, Middletown, New York, Tuesday, 23 August 1892 and Tuesday, 25 April 1893; Middletown Daily Press, Middletown, New York, Tuesday, 23 August 1892.
7. Gravestones in Hillside Cemetery, Middletown, Orange Co., New York (Susan’s gravestone gives her name as Susan Wheeler Ellsworth and James is engraved as James Henry Wallick); 1850 U.S. Census, Hurley, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 479 (written) and 240 (stamped), household 217, family 226; 1855 New York State census, ED 2, Hurley, Ulster Co., dwelling 14; The Kingston Daily Freeman, Kingston, Ulster Co., New York, Tuesday, 27 February 1923, p. 11.
8. Leslie’s Illustrated Weekly Newspaper, v. 106, p. 475, 14 May 1908; The Syracuse Herald, Syracuse, New York, Sunday, 3 May 1908, p. 15; The Tri-States Union, Port Jervis, New York, Thursday, 7 May 1908, p. 1; The Boston Post, Wednesday, 2 December 1908, p. 1.
9.  Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Sunday, 6 August 1944, p. 15.
10. Chicago Daily Tribune, Wednesday, 13 August 1979 and Sunday, 14 December 1879; New York Dramatic Mirror, Saturday, 12 July 1879, p. 2 and Saturday, 2 August 1879; Cincinnati Enquirer, Friday, 15 August 1879; Daily Inter Ocean, Chicago, Saturday, 8 May 1880, p. 9; New York Dramatic Mirror, Saturday, 17 January 1880, p. 3; Bloomington Daily Leader, Bloomington, Indiana, Saturday, 24 June 1882; Fort Wayne Daily Sentinel, Saturday, 8 April 1882 and Friday, 17 November 1882; Logansport Daily Journal, Wednesday, 29 November 1882.
11. Daily Arkansas Gazette, Little Rock, Arkansas, Thursday, 10 September, 1874, and Sunday, 13 September 1874; The Atchison Daily Champion, Atchison, Kansas, Friday, 15 February, 1878, p. 4; The Daily Commonwealth, Topeka, Kansas, Saturday, 7 December 1878, p. 1.
12. The Kingston Daily Freeman, Kingston, Ulster Co., New York, Tuesday, 27 February 1923, p. 11. This history published in the paper was submitted by one of the children of John L. Elmendorph in whose home Wallick spent part of his boyhood; see also The Kingston Daily Freeman, Kingston, Ulster Co., New York, Friday Evening, 23 February 1923, p. 8.
13. The Kingston Daily Freeman, Kingston, Ulster Co., New York, Friday Evening, 23 February 1923, p. 8.
14. James and his mother and sister Matilda are all buried in the same family plot in the Hillside Cemetery in Middletown, Orange Co., N.Y.
15. 1850 US census, Hurley, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 479 (written) and 240 (stamped), household 217, family 226.
16. 1870 US census, Saugerties, Ulster Co., N.Y., p. 107 (written) and 244 (stamped), household 674, family 836.
17. 1855 New York State census, Hurley, Ulster Co., E.D. 2, dwelling 14.
18. Middletown Argus, Middletown, Orange Co., N.Y., Tuesday, 8 November 1898, p. 5.
19. Both women are listed on the same headstone.
20. Annual Report of the Adjutant-General of the State of New York for the year 1902, V4, Registers of the 100th - 106th Regiments of Infantry, p. 685.
21. Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Sunday, 6 August 1944, p. 15; Boston Daily Advertiser, Wednesday, 28 December 1864.
22. Boston Daily Advertiser, Wednesday, 28 December 1864; The Daily Evening Bulletin, San Francisco, California, Saturday, 8 April 1865; Milwaukee Daily Sentinel, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, Friday, 9 September 1870.
23. The New York Dramatic Mirror, Saturday, 2 August 1879.
24. Daily Arkansas Gazette, Little Rock, Arkansas, Thursday, 10 September, 1874, and Sunday, 13 September 1874.
25. The Syracuse Herald, Syracuse, New York, Sunday, 3 May 1908, p. 15.